10 Narrative Essay Topics on Women Empowerment

10 Narrative Essay Topics on Women Empowerment Women play a vital role in making our world a better place. However, only a few organizations truly empower women with their due rights. In recent years though, experts have started to acknowledge the development and economic benefits of women empowerment. Writing a narrative essay is easy, fun and very enlightening as you are writing about your own personal experience and gaining knowledge from those experiences, getting to know yourself better than ever in the process. However, to write the perfect narrative essay that can be appreciated by your professor, you need solid facts, some topics to start with and an informational guide on how to write a flawless narrative essay. This is where our expansive guides come in. We have written three different guides for you that describe facts, topics and writing a great narrative on women’s empowerment. In this first guide, you are provided with 10 facts for a narrative essay on women empowerment. This is the perfect place to gather information for your essay without going through the trouble of having to find credible sources to start researching. In our second guide, you are provided with 20 topics for a narrative essay on women empowerment so that it becomes easier for you to choose a topic and start writing. Many students get stuck while choosing a good topic for their essay, which is why we’ve chosen 20 relevant topics to aid you. We’ve also included a sample narrative essay at the end which will help you further in writing a stellar narrative essay on your topic of choice. Finally, in our third guide, we explain how to write a narrative essay on women empowerment to enable you to write a better, more liberal and error-free narrative essay on your particular topic. It is highly recommended not to skip any of our guides, in order to attain perfection in your writing and the essay itself. Let’s get to it then. Here are 10 Facts on Women Empowerment: Almost 50 million people around the world are surrounded by civil wars, violent conflicts, disasters and displacement; 80% of those 50 million people are women and children. Without women empowerment campaigns, there is no hope for these women. Throughout the world, there are only a few places where women have a strong hold on parliamentary seats such as Rwanda, Cuba and the United States. In 2004, Rwanda’s parliament housed 48.8% of women’s seats, 36% of these seats were held by women in Cuba and only 14.3% of parliamentary seats were held by women in the US respectively. In contrast, Saudi Arabia and Solomon Island do not have a single woman in their parliament. In a study that took place in Kenya, researchers found that 38% of farms were run by women. These women were so perfect in harvesting goods that they managed to harvest the same amount as men did without any help such as advice, loans, fertilizers, insecticides and hybrid seeds. When these women accomplished every goal related to farming men had, they were more efficient in harvesting and actually produced bigger harvests than men. During a survey, it was found that when women get involved in work, economics grow rapidly. Since there are plethora of women who don’t work due to several reasons, a big gap between men’s and women’s labor force is created, which decreases overall economic growth. When this gap is reduced, the economy starts to grow at a rapid pace. When a large amount of evidence was collected through various countries around the world, it was found that when women have influence over household income, either through their own earning or funds transfer, it changes the way their families, which later down the line, benefits the future of their children as well. If we talk on a global scale, women are paid 20 25% less than men. This is because women don’t want to get involved in formal professional sectors as they are not trained to such tasks effectively. But due to women empowerment campaigns, we are seeing a rise in women’s wages and their demand over formal sectors of industries. Around the world, women’s labor force is directly affected due to the reason that they spend more time caring for their children, elders and the sick in their family. This negatively impacts women’s labor force; 25% of women in the European Union are unable to perform labor due to the reason that they have personal responsibilities such as taking care of their children and families at home. In contrast, only 3% of men end up undertaking the same responsibilities. Despite improvements in the last 50 years in terms of development and economics, women who are working professionally are unable to enjoy â€Å"leisure time† because of the sheer amount of work they have on their hands at home; i.e. taking care of the family. Men, on the other hand, do have the time to wind down and relax after a hard day’s labor. Through women empowerment, gender inequalities can be done away with so that women can also have the same amount of time to themselves in order to pursue their personal interests An estimated 15 million girls under 18 years of age are married every year, without even seeking their personal opinion or approval. This occurs because there is no women empowerment and our societies simply lack gender equality. Most of the time, these newly wedded brides face troublesome issues in their lives as they are very young and cannot handle all the responsibilities that a married life entails. These brides are also unable to pursue education which makes it impossible to secure high paying jobs – resulting in lower self-esteem, poverty and lower IQ levels throughout the generations. American women, who are serving in Iraq and Afghanistan, are more likely to be raped by their own co-workers rather than getting killed in action. This kind of behavior by military men happens due to a lack of equal opportunities, adequate protection and benefits for the women who are serving their country side by side with these men. While these facts may have been interesting to read, they are depressing and distressful as well. However, the above facts are sure to help you in writing an exemplary narrative essay on women empowerment. Let’s move on to our second guide where you will see examples of 20 topics for a narrative essay on women empowerment. This guide also helps you to start writing without any hesitation as there is a sample essay at the end, which will help you better understand how a narrative essay is written. Remember to check out our third guide, how to write a narrative essay on women empowerment. In our last guide, you will learn dos and don’ts of writing a narrative essay and some general tips on how to write a flawless and professional narrative essay on your own. References: Klasen, S. and Lamanna, F. (2009), â€Å"The impact of gender inequality in education and employment on economic growth: New evidence for a panel of countries,† Feminist Economics, 15: 3, pp. 91-132 (as retrieved from UN Women, Progress of the World’s Women 2015-2016: Transforming economies, realizing rights Chapter 4, p. 199) U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Median usual weekly earnings of full-time wage and salary workers by selected characteristics, annual averages bls.gov/news.release/wkyeng.t07.htm; Differences by Race and Ethnicity, No Growth in Real Wages for Women,† by Ariane Hegewisch, Claudia Williams, Heidi Hartmann, Ph.D., Stephanie Keller Hudiburg (March 2014). Fact Sheet, p. 2.  iwpr.org/publications/pubs/the-gender-wage-gap-2013-differences-by-race-and-ethnicity-no-growth-in-real-wages-for-women International Labour Organization (2014). Global Employment Trends 2014: Risk of a jobless recovery p. 19. ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/dgreports/dcomm/publ/documents/publication/wcms_233953.pdf E. Gakidou, et al., 2010, â€Å"Increased Educational Attainment and its Effect on Child Mortality in 175 Countries between 1970 and 2009: A Systematic Analysis,† The Lancet, 376(9745), p. 969. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Gender Equality in Education, Employment and Entrepreneurship: Final Report to the MCM 2012. p. 17  oecd.org/employment/50423364.pdf. Duflo, Esther, (2012) Women Empowerment and Economic Development Journal of Economic Literature, Volume 50, Number 4 | American Economic Association Fontana Paciello, 2010. Other forms of non-agricultural employment for example in trade activities or small enterprises constitute only a small fraction of total employment in rural areas (as retrieved from UN Women, forthcoming, Progress of the World’s Women 2015-2016. Chapter 2, p. )

Pressure Groups Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Pressure Groups - Term Paper Example The term ‘pressure group’ was coined after the post World War II era to put pressure among the higher authorities that has the power to make decisions. These pressure groups do not take part either in the elections nor do they have any interest in seeking power of the political office, their aim is just focused on implementing their opinions onto the powerful authorities (Baggott, 1995). Most of the time these pressure groups compete against the other pressure groups to make their demands fulfilled but when their aims are common, they often work together to achieve the shared interest. These pressure groups have increased rapidly in the 20th century duet to the increase in population around the world, advancement in the technology due to which many groups have started to raise their voices in the social media networking, the society is becoming more diverse and the increase in the welfare state has given rise to the pressure or interest groups (Walter & ZÃ ¼rn, 2005). The pressure groups are considered as a mouthpiece for the members operating the group, which are not elected through formal electoral processes nor are they a part of any political parties but however they sometimes assist the parties in achieving their goals. Their main function is to mobilize the public opinion and persuading the government through different means in adopting the policies outlined by these groups. They educate the general public about specific issues from which they are unaware and they represent the minorities who are unable to represent themselves (Key, 1978). The other most common function of a pressure group is to develop and recommend laws and policies and to ensure that these laws are implemented. These groups make the democracy healthy by indicating different issues to the government that have been overlooked. They are always scrutinizing the government policies and providing recommendations in

Data Measurement and Variables Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Data Measurement and Variables - Assignment Example Among the whites, 144 are in rural areas, 142 in suburban areas while the majority; 156 are in urban areas. Brentwood Middle school has the highest number of children in the sample with 84 children of which 80 are whites. In all the selected schools, the whites are the majority. Ridge school has no child from other races in the sample (see table 8). Of the 478 children, 247(51.7%) said their main goal is to make good grades, 141 (29.5) said their main goal was to be popular while the remaining 90 (18.8%) said they wanted to be good in sports (table 9). Most of the children who took part in the study said being good in sports makes one more popular compared to the other variables. Having good looks was the second aspect which makes one popular followed by making good grades in school. Having a lot of money was least considered by the children as a factor contributing to ones popularity. Although most of the children said their maiden goal is to make good grades in school, they again agree that being good in sports makes one more popular than making good grades, having good looks and having lots of money. Both white other race children agree that making good grades does not make one popular but being good in sports and having good looks does. In agreement also is the fact that, having lots of money is the least in making one popular. Again, children from all districts; urban, rural and suburban are in agreement that sports makes one popular followed by good looks. Money is the least in

America’s Foreign Policy Essay Example for Free

America’s Foreign Policy Essay Since the end of the Cold War, the relationship between the U.S. government and the media has become increasingly significant. Coupled with the number of humanitarian interventions during the 1990’s, it begs the question, how far is the media responsible for the creation of U.S. foreign policy? Somalia, a nation wracked by civil war and famine, stirred the United Nations particularly the U.S. into action, but how far was the media responsible? It is argued that the CNN effect played a substantial role in U. S. foreign policy, as it was displaying graphic images and news stories of the crisis to the U.S. public, creating uproar over the situation, and a demand to ‘do something now’. Combined with the media’s ability to frame the news into a positive or negative light, this demonstrates the power the media has over public opinion. This in turn created pressure on the policy-makers of the U.S. and the United Nations to act, which is demonstrated in Operation Continue Hope, and UNOSOM (United Nations Operation in Somalia)I and II. However, it is also argued that the collapse of the USSR, and the attempt to create a New World Order was a deciding factor in the U.S.’s foreign policy. Without the constraints of competing ideologies and the USSR in the United Nations Security Council, the U.S. wanted to develop a world foreign policy based upon cooperation, economic development and humanitarian intervention for those in need. With the U.S. as the remaining great Superpower, it was considered their duty to take the lead and show the world how it is done – hence the foreign policy concerning Somalia. It is in my judgment that the media played a substantial part in affecting U.S. foreign policy, due to the effect it had upon the U.S. citizens, and their outcry for immediate action. However, the media is not solely responsible for the actions of the U.S., as other factors like the New World Order played its part too, which I shall demonstrate throughout this essay. The previous government, the Somali Democratic Republic, under the leadership of Major General Mohamed Siad Barre, posed the question of who would succeed the ailing leader, who had been seriously injured in a car accident. This, and the lessening of its strategic importance in the final years of the Cold War, and the reduction of Soviet support, opened up in Somalia an opportunity for rebellion. The government was becoming increasingly totalitarian, performing human atrocities against resistance movements who wanted freedom from the military dictatorship. This eventually led to the outbreak of civil war, the toppling of Barre’s regime, and a power vacuum, with various warlords vying for control. When increasing reports of human atrocities, and starving citizens reached the international community, with food prices rising by 800-1200%, President Bush, and the United Nations Security Council passed a unanimous resolution in December 1992, to deploy peacekeeping forces, and huma nitarian relief to Somalia, aimed at stabilizing the situation, with ‘all necessary means to guarantee the delivery of humanitarian aid in accordance to Chapter VII of the United Nations charter. The U.S. led United Nation forces initially met with success in providing aid to the nation, however, in 1995; United Nations peacekeepers were forced to withdraw after public opinion turned as a result of significant peacekeeper casualties, and its failure to capture General Mohamed Farah Aidid, the major warlord figure in the country. I shall now argue how the media held great responsibility for the U.S.’s foreign policy in Somalia during the 1990’s, due to the CNN effect. Since the end of the Cold War, the increasing willingness of Western governments to intervene militarily during humanitarian crises, coupled with significant levels of Western media attention to the consequences of ‘distant’ civil wars, raised substantive questions regarding the media-state relationship. Western media has enjoyed greater amounts of freedom since the toppling of the USSR, and the rise of U.S. hegemony, resulting in greater access to ‘on-scene’ news articles, and the ability to show them to the rest of the world. Coupled with the development of the internet in the 1990’s, CNN and other media stations are able to bring images and information to the public 24 hours a day. This is demonstrated when the initial U.S. marines who landed on the beaches of Mogadishu, were greeted by a swarm of American journalists and star correspondents, who had been given advance notice of the landing. With the ability to control what information is shown to their audiences, the media has a certain amount of control over public opinion, which in turn has an effect upon the government who represents them. For example, the U.S. government was already aware of the situation in Somalia before CNN shared the story, and yet was not compelled to intervene. However, once the stor y became public, the U.S., and the United Nations received a vast amount of pressure to acknowledge the situation, and act accordingly. This is known as a ‘strong CNN effect’, the ability of the media to steer the policy makers in the direction the media wants by influencing which images are shown to the public. By 1992, Somalia had become a non-functioning state. Its government and related services collapsed. Hundreds of thousands of Somalis had died, and estimated 1.5million Somali people were in imminent danger of starvation, and another 3.5million to a lesser extent. All these images were shown by media stations like CNN to the world, capturing the sense of despair and devastation, and energising a ‘must do something now feeling’, resulting in President George H. W. Bush to take the lead in the United Nations mission to prevent this humanitarian crisis. This demonstrates how the media had become greatly influential in U.S. politics, and why it holds a substantial amount of responsibility for the U.S. foreign policy in the initial invasion. Furthermore, just as the media had substantial influence on the U.S. entering Somalia in 1992, the media used this same influence to bring about the end of the humanitarian mission in 1995. In March 1993, the U.S. pushed for a more direct role in combating the various warlords in Somalia and protecting the citizens the United Nations mission had saved from starvation. This was approved by the United Nations Security Council Resolution 794, authorising the use of ‘all necessary means to establish as soon as possible a secure environment for humanitarian relief operations in Somalia’. This was met with support from the U.S. public, as during the early media reports of the intervention, words that were supportive and emphatic were used twice as many times as words which were critical and distancing. This use of positive framing and optimistic language built a support for the intervention. Initially, the U.S. led forces were successful, capturing high-ranking members of Aidi d’s government, and preventing the massacre of Somali citizens. However, on the 3rd October, the U.S. attempted to capture two high-profile lieutenants of Aidid in the city of Mogadishu, when two Black Hawk Helicopters were shot down by the Somali militia. The following rescue attempt turned what should have been an hour’s operation into an overnight standoff in the city. The battle resulted in 18 U.S. deaths, 80 wounded, and 1 helicopter pilot captured. This became known as The Battle of Mogadishu. In the wake of the battle, the media had access to images of the dead and battered American servicemen, and the victorious Somali forces parading the captured U.S. helicopter pilot Corporal William Durant through the streets of Mogadishu. Shockingly they also dragged the naked corpse of a U.S. soldier past a mob of Somali citizens who vented their anger by spitting on, stoning and kicking the body, in the full view of the cameras. In light of this news, the media changed the framing of the Somali crisis, and began to challenge the government, h ighlighting the casualty ratings the U.S. forces were sustaining. While the public had strongly supported the former President Bush’s decision to send U.S. troops to Somalia to stop the starvation, support had now almost vanished. On Capitol Hill, mounting calls for a withdrawal of U.S. troops rose to a level that newly elected President Clinton could not ignore, and announced the exit of U.S. troops by March 1994. Through the use of a ‘strong CNN effect’, the media completely turned U.S. public opinion on the Somali intervention. The starving Somali citizens, who had been the victims at the start of the intervention, had become the victimisers, who had attacked foreign soldiers who were trying to help them. The public opinion might not have deteriorated quite so substantially, if the images accompanying the story had not been present, or if the media hadn’t worded their stories quite so negatively. After all, hearing about the deaths is one thing, to see it before your eyes is quite another. This therefore, demonstrates how the media, through the use of strong CNN effect, were able to steer public opinion into entering Somalia, and out of Somalia when the situation deteriorated. Although the media holds the majority of responsibility for the U.S.’s foreign policy in Somalia, Presidents Bush and Clinton’s drive to create a New World Order also holds partially responsibility. In the wake of the Cold War, President George H. W. Bush and President Mikhail Gorbachev tried to define this new era, and the great spirit of power cooperation they hoped to see. This is highlighted in a speech by Bush, in which he indicated ‘America and the world must defend common vital interests, support the rule of law and stand up to aggression’. With this new drive to create a better world, one with cooperation between major powers, rebuilding the world and projecting a new world with greater prospects for a new millennium. Therefore, when humanitarian crises like Somalia arose, President Bush saw it as U.S.’s duty as the richest and most powerful nation in the world, to lead the international mission to save these civilians from starvation. It was hoped, that along with saving those in need, the U.S. could inspire the rest of the world to share this image of a New World Order, and help build a better tomorrow. However, since the U.S. knew about Somalia before the media published the story, it doesn’t suggest that the New World Order was the major factor in deciding to intervene in the crisis. In conclusion, the media was greatly responsible for the U.S. foreign policy in Somalia, and was, in my judgment, the main factor which decided the issue initially to intervene in Somalia, and then to exit. Firstly, through the use of a strong CNN effect, the media framed the issue, and showed images to the public in order to create uproar amongst the population. This was done in order to manipulate the policy-makers into examining the situation, and ultimately become involved. This is demonstrated by the images of starving civilians, and the chaos the various warlords and clans were creating throughout the nation. These tactics would develop a ‘do something now’ feeling. Moreover, the media was also the leading factor in the U.S. exiting from Somalia, because the media station had changed the framing of the stories to negative and critical challenges of the governments mission in Somalia. This combined with the images of The Battle of Mogadishu, and the victimisation the U.S. soldiers had suffered, dramatically changed public opinion against the U.S. foreign policy in Somalia. However, the media was not the only factor in deciding U.S. foreign policy. President Bush’s idea of a New World Order, one based on the ideas of superpower cooperation, economic prosperity and humanitarian intervention also played a part in why President Bush would send U.S. soldiers to Somalia. It was considered the U.S.’s duty to help those in need, with the hope that their example could also inspire the rest of the world to accept the New Order, and help create a new and better world, rather than the conflict and tensions which had been experienced during the Cold War. However, the New World Order arguments are not as convincing as those for the conclusive influence of the media, as the U.S. government was already of aware of the situation in Somalia before the media developed the story, suggesting that it was the public outcry that decided the issue for the U.S.’s policy makers. Which is why, it is in my judgment that the media holds the majority of the responsibility for America’s foreign policy in Somalia during the 1990’s. Bibliography: 1. Taisier Ali and Robert Matthews, Civil Wars in Africa: Roots and Resolutions, McGill-Queen’s University Press, Canada, 1999, p.p.183 2. Ekaterina Balabanova, Media, Wars and Politics: Comparing the Incomparable in Western and Eastern Europe, Ashgate Publishing Limited, Hampshire, 2007, p.p. 8 3. Arthur Banks Thomas Muller and William Overstreet, Political Handbook of the World 2008, CQ Press Publishers, Alexandria/US, 2008, p.p. 1198 4. George H.W. Bush, Address before a joint session of the Congress on the Persian Gulf Crisis and the Federal Budget Deficit, 9:09p.m. in the House Chamber at the Capitol, 1900 5. Jocelyn Coulon, translated by Phyllis Arnoff and Howard Scott, Soldiers of Diplomacy: The United Nations, Peacekeeping and the New World Order, Les Casques Bleus Publishers, Canada, 1994 p.p. 78 6. Nina Fitzgerald, Somalia: Issues, History and Bibliography, Nova Science Publishers Inc., New York, 2002, p.p. 26 7. George Kohn, Dictionaries of War, Facts on File Publishers Inc., New York, 2007, p.p. 511 8. Piers Robinson, Operation Restore Hope and the Illusion of a News Driven Media Intervention, Political Studies 49, 2001, p.p. 941-956 9. Piers Robinson, The CNN Effect: The myth of news, foreign policy and intervention, Routledge Publishers, London, 2002, p.p. 1 10. Ken Rutherford, Humanitarianism under Fire: The US and UN intervention in Somalia, Kumarain Press Publishers, Sterling, 2008, p.p. Preface xv 11. James Scott, After the End: Making U.S. foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War World, Duke University Press, North Carolina, 1999, p.p. 330 12. Richard Stewart, The United States Army in Somalia 1992-1994, Dept. of the Army Publishers, 2003 p.p. 23 13. Warren Strobel, Late-Breaking Foreign Policy: The News Media’s influence on Peace Operations, United States Institute of Peace Press, Washington, 1997, p.p. 167 14. United Nations Security Council, Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea, http://www.un.org/sc/committees/751/ 15. Thomas Weiss and Don Hubert, The Responsibility to Protect: Research, Bibliography, Background: Supplementary Volume to the report of the international commission on intervention and state sovereignty, International Development Research Centre Publishers, Ottawa, 2002, p.p. 96 [ 1 ]. Arthur Banks Thomas Muller and William Overstreet, Political Handbook of the World 2008, CQ Press Publishers, Alexandria/US, 2008, p.p. 1198 [ 2 ]. Nina Fitzgerald, Somalia: Issues, History and Bibliography, Nova Science Publishers Inc., New York, 2002, p.p. 26 [ 3 ]. Taisier Ali and Robert Matthews, Civil Wars in Africa: Roots and Resolutions, McGill-Queen’s University Press, Canada, 1999, p.p.183 [ 4 ]. United Nations Security Council, Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea, http://www.un.org/sc/committees/751/ [ 5 ]. George Kohn, Dictionaries of War, Facts on File Publishers Inc., New York, 2007, p.p. 511 [ 6 ]. Piers Robinson, The CNN Effect: The myth of news, foreign policy and intervention, Routledge Publishers, London, 2002, p.p. 1 [ 7 ]. Jocelyn Coulon, translated by Phyllis Arnoff and Howard Scott, Soldiers of Diplomacy: The United Nations, Peacekeeping and the New World Order, Les Casques Bleus Publishers, Canada, 1994 p.p. 78 [ 8 ]. Ekaterina Balabanova, Media, Wars and Politics: Comparing the Incomparable in Western and Eastern Europe, Ashgate Publishing Limited, Hampshire, 2007, p.p. 8 [ 9 ]. Ken Rutherford, Humanitarianism under Fire: The US and UN intervention in Somalia, Kumarain Press Publishers, Sterling, 2008, p.p. Preface xv [ 10 ]. Thomas Weiss and Don Hubert, The Responsibility to Protect: Research, Bibliography, Background: Supplementary Volume to the report of the international commission on intervention and state sovereignty, International Development Research Centre Publishers, Ottawa, 2002, p.p. 96 [ 11 ]. Piers Robinson, Operation Restore Hope and the Illusion of a News Dr iven Media Intervention, Political Studies 49, 2001, p.p. 941-956 [ 12 ]. Richard Stewart, The United States Army in Somalia 1992-1994, Dept. of the Army Publishers, 2003 p.p. 23 [ 13 ]. James Scott, After the End: Making U.S. foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War World, Duke University Press, North Carolina, 1999, p.p. 330 [ 14 ]. Warren Strobel, Late-Breaking Foreign Policy: The News Media’s influence on Peace Operations, United States Institute of Peace Press, Washington, 1997, p.p. 167 [ 15 ]. George H.W. Bush, Address before a joint session of the Congress on the Persian Gulf Crisis and the Federal Budget Deficit, 9:09p.m. in the House Chamber at the Capitol, 1900

Brian Friels Translations Essay -- Brian Friel Translations Essays

Brian Friel's "Translations" 'Translations' by Brian Friel can be appreciated and understood without knowledge of Irelands social, political and linguistic history. It can be enjoyed simply as a drama that incorporates comedy, tragedy and romance. However, with a greater understanding of Irelands history, such as the effect the 'great famine' had on the ordinary people of Ireland the play * In 'Translations' the people of Baile Beag show hostility towards the English army who have been sent to anglicise the place names of the area. For hundreds of years the English had made incursions in to Ireland. Many rebellions followed the conquest of Ireland, after which Queen Mary Tudor became the Queen of England and Ireland and the people of Ireland came under the control of the British government. There were attempts in the C16 to settle English colonies in Lenster and Munster but these were unsuccessful. In the C17 land was taken from Irish Earls and divided between Scottish Presbyterians. Rebellion followed in the reign of Charles 1 and this took the form of Catholic...

Michael Pollan on Peter Singer

In his article published in the New York Times, Michael Pollan interprets Peter Singer’s thoutghs as those of an ardent defender of animal rights, especially with regard to those slaughtered for meat.According to Pollan, Singer looks at the moral obligation of treating people with equal capabilities and uses it in the context of the relationship between people and animals.   Singer’s argument is not to give animals equal rights with people per se, but at least consider their rights where they both share interest.Because avoiding pain is a behavior associated with both humans and animals, animals should be given moral consideration on those grounds. Singer’s arguments, according to Pollan, have led to the conversion of thousands of people into vegetarians. Singer is therefore depicted as strong animal rights crusader.Pollan defends the meat eating culture in a number of ways. First, he believes that animals have the habit of eating each other all the time, and t herefore human beings are justified to eat them. The problem with this argument is that animals kill in order to survive. Human beings, on the other hand, do not have to kill to survive.  His second argument on why human beings should kill animals is based on domestication of animals. His position is that farm animals would be worse off if they lived in the wild.   However, domestication is driven by a demand, and that is the reason why domesticated animals exist.Indeed, animal rightist believe that if there were no domesticated animals, there would be no suffering for them. Pollan finally accepts that animal suffering is a legitimate problem, but expresses the need to solve human problems first. Again, this perspective puts animals at a disadvantage because they cannot participate in any moral decision making process.Pollan appears to embrace utilitarianism on the grounds that humans owe animals that can feel pain moral consideration, and this justifies why they should be eaten . Pollan concludes that industrialization has led to the loss of human feelings, which he refers as dehumanization. Specifically, he points out that America raises and slaughters animals in a brutal manner more than any other country.However, he insists that there is some kind of protectionism, whereby a variety of key players lack adequate information on the real status of the meat industry in America. If this information were to become available, the meat industry would undergo an overnight transformation, with meat becoming more expensive.  Ã‚  People will eat meat while giving the animals the respect they deserve. Pollan does not call for total abolishment of the places where animals are slaughtered, but rather advocates for a more humane way of growing and slaughtering them.Pollan’s argument appears more rational because his case is argued from a holistic perspective, taking views from both animal rightists and meat crusaders. His final stand is based on an analysis of the interests of both the animal rightists and meat crusaders, while that of singer appears to strictly consider animal rights only. Meat eating has featured in the diet of human beings for a long time.The hunter-gatherer societies and the early man both exploited meat, not for luxury but for subsistence. The idea of animal farming is to sustain the meat industry without compromising the availability of meat in the future. This, however, should be done in the most humane way. For example, animals should be allocated sufficient space for exercise while they are being grown. They should also be slaughtered in such a manner that they should encounter least pain.ReferencesPollan, M. (2002). An Animals Place. The New York Times magazine. Retrieved from http://michaelpollan.com/article.php?id=55 on 9th April 2009

My Passion For Learning - 990 Words

I desire to see the world from many different perspectives and I am committed to being a lifelong learner. Nowadays, learning is often seen only as a stepping stone for a better career. However, for a person whose learning objective is wisdom, I learn to know, to understand, and to engage with the world around me. The product of wisdom, accordingly, is self-beautification. As beauty is the splendor of truth, I am confident that acts of truth will make the world a better place. My participation in research testifies to my passion for learning. I began my involvement in research at Penang Institute (PI), assisting the Penang government with state policy on poverty alleviation by reviewing the implementation of Equitable Economic Agenda†¦show more content†¦I aspire to continue challenging conventional wisdom and traditional rules in seeking innovative solutions to the current social problems by engaging scholars and practitioners from different fields and working together with relevant stakeholders towards common goals. I spend five months studying at Al-Akhawayn University in Ifrane, Morocco. After spending some time in the old city of Fes, I began noticing that there were a lot of beggars on the street, seeking help from passersby. I was disturbed to find out that four million of Morocco’s 33 million people live under poverty. Upon returning to the United States, I began reflecting on the role of think tanks and policy institutes in empowering governments and civil societies. As part of my involvement in the Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program (TTCSP), I led the Middle East and North Africa team to figure out how think tanks in the region could constructively design their activities to better serve policy makers and the public. In our study, my team and I found that the perceived integrity of these institutions was often compromised because of their funding structures. Think tanks and civil societies funded by governments were often accused as government puppets while those funded by W estern donors were viewed as wolves in sheep clothing. My experience at TTCSP opened my eyes to the intriguing nature of policy formulation, governance shifts andShow MoreRelatedMy Statement of Purpose Focusing on Learning beyond Curriculum900 Words   |  4 Pagesknowledge is a passion of mine, specifically in the areas of electronics, network and telecommunication engineering and development. 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